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Write a 3 pages paper on poem the wedding dress. These lines and the subject matter as it developed for me did not lend itself to a group of five haiku. In any case, I think sonnets should be uplifting or romantic, happy. Somehow I knew that his poem was not going to be happy. Haiku, on the other hand, are different. Each 17 syllable poem must hold a complete idea. I thought this was also impossible. I decided upon a villanelle and created the first three lines(“Poetic Form: Villanelle- Poets.org – Poetry, Poems, Bios & More “). The third line was changed again as I wrote the final version. The poem has a rhythm, but not iambic pentameter.

I was watching the movie Five Days in August(“5 Days of War (2011) – IMDb “)when the poem happened. I really do not think I wrote it. I think it just happened and I wrote it down. In the early part of the movie, Russian troops attacked a wedding party and killed the groom. The bride escaped, but the scene inspired the rest of this poem. As I proceeded I concentrated on the form to make the rhyme scheme work, and the story unfolded as I worked.

First I introduced the subject in the first line. I knew I had to use wine and decided that the stains on the dress would be wine and blood. The red wine symbolizes power and the white wine forgiveness. Then we introduce the reason for the third line of the poem: the ripped wedding dress, blood, and death.I hope it is a surprise that the trip is the next stain. I do not know where this image came from, but it is powerful and I kept it until I knew what the next lines had to be.

 

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You will prepare and submit a term paper on Reaction paper. Your paper should be a minimum of 250 words in length. Reaction Paper This paper is aimed at answering the question “Which is more useful for understanding gender issues, international law or comparative law?” In order to answer this question it is first necessary to understand what International and comparative laws are.

International law is a set of rules between states and nation which is considered to be binding. These are rules that the states or nations have adopted to solve conflicts or develop relations among themselves or between legal entities or individuals of different countries (Bouchet-Saulnier 222). International law has well defined rules and laws that are accepted by the involved nations.

Laws in different countries or legal systems are different from one another and comparative law is the study of differences and similarities between these laws. The comparison can be between two or more countries. Comparative law unlike is not a set of rules or law in itself but an approach or method to legal enquiry ((Hoffman and Rumsey 4).

From the above understanding of the two laws comparative law would be best suited and more useful in understanding gender issues that International law. The reason for this is compares the laws in different countries and more importantly tries to find the source of the issue. Different countries have different ethnic backgrounds and hence have different gender perceptions. In such case the source of same gender issue in two different countries can be different. Hence, single binding resolution or law like international law in both countries would not be appropriate or right. In this comparative law approach would be best to understand these issues. International law can be used in cases of extreme gender inequality but for deeper gender issues comparative law would be ideal.

Works Cited

Bouchet-Saulnier, Françoise. The practical guide to humanitarian law. 2. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2007. Print.

Hoffman, Marci, and Mary Rumsey. International and foreign legal research: a course book. Danvers, MA: BRILL, 2008. Print.

 

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write my assignment 304

Within a 400-600 word original post, please present a thorough and clear discussion of the question assigned:

Research Nativism as the No Nothing Party and what led to the rise of the movement against immigrants. What was the social, economic, and political climate of the time and how did it lead to the establishment of such an anti-immigrant movement? Is nativism still present today? In your opinion, did the nativist movement have an impact on the current debate regarding immigration? 

You must use APA or MLA format within your original post. You must use in text citations and provide a reference section 

 

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write my assignment 31175

Delivered August 28, 1963 by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we have come to our nation’s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.” But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check — a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quick sands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God’s children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro’s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.

We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. They have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.

As we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied, as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro’s basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating “For Whites Only”. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.

Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.

I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification; one day right there in Alabama, little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.

This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

This will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with a new meaning, “My country, ’tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim’s pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring.”

And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!

Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California!

But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, “Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!”

Questions (Use another piece – or pieces – of paper to type out your answers to the following):

  • Describe the extended metaphors present in the speech, and why you think they were or were not sound choices.
  • Explain what Dr. King was trying to communicate: with attention to the varying audiences he knew would be listening.
  • Select examples of metaphor, alliteration, and rhythm present in the speech and explain why you think these were or were not sound choices.
  • What is/was your overall assessment of the speech?
  • After watching and then reading this text, what do you believe the major differences might be – if any?

 

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